Salty Dog Blues ‘n Roots.
Great music.
State Reps. Robin Vos (R-Caledonia) and Scott Suder (R-Abbotsford) are leading the charge to make sure that Wisconsin residents who would benefit under health care reform don’t.
(Republican gubernatorial candidates Scott Walker and Mark Neumann also favor financial ruin caused by medical bills.)
Vos and Scuder sent a letter, which they said is signed by 32 other state legislators, asking State Attorney General J.B. Van Hollen to take action to block the legislation in Wisconsin.
Suder comes up with an interesting read of the U.S. Constitution: “The 10th Amendment of the U.S. Constitution clearly grants the states the sovereignty needed to opt-out of federal laws such as this,” he said in a prepared statement.
Oh, really? The 10th Amendment says that “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”
Where is that opt-out provision? Why hasn’t it been used before?
The scary possibility is, of course, is that the ideologues running the U.S. Supreme Court right now will endorse the Suders of the world and come up with a Constitutional interpretation worse than the one that gave corporations such a large financial say in the electoral process.
Van Hollen, meanwhile, is taking a cautious approach. Three conditions are necessary for his office to take action, the State Department of Justice said in a statement.
First, the President must sign the health care overhaul into law.
Second, Governor Doyle or either house of the state legislature must authorize
the Attorney General to bring or join such a legal action. Absent such
authorization, he is prevented from doing so by state law.
Third, should the Governor or either house of the legislature make such an
authorization, Attorney General Van Hollen must independently conclude that
claims have a sufficient legal basis.
Van Hollen’s staff are in contact with lawyers in other states interested in challenging the law, the statement said. Van Hollen doesn’t like a lot of what is in the law, but doesn’t sound like he will be first at the courthouse door:
The role of the state attorneys general and the courts is not to veto
those policy choices made by elected officials – that would be decidedly
undemocratic – but to appropriately examine, in the context of a case, whether
the law is consistent with the Constitution of the United States. Even if specific
provisions of the health care law are held to be unconstitutional, a court may
determine that the rest of this massive health care overhaul is constitutional and
remains in effect.
People on the losing side of the health care debate can be angry if they want. But come on, can’t we do better than name-calling?
From The Progress Report:
RADICAL RIGHT — GOP LAWMAKERS DEFEND TEA PARTY PROTESTERS’ RACIAL, HOMOPHOBIC SLURS: Tea party activists protesting health care reform on Capitol Hill this weekend hurled racist and homophobic slurs at members of Congress who planned on voting for the measure. Protesters chanted “the N-word, 15 times” at Rep. John Lewis (D-GA), a hero of the civil rights movement, and his colleague Rep. Andre Carson (D-IN). Rep. Emanuel Cleaver (D-MO) was spit on, and someone yelled f—-t at openly-gay Rep. Barney Frank (D-MA) as he walked through the Capitol complex on Saturday. Leaders of the Republican Party spent Sunday distancing themselves from from the outbursts. “Nobody condones that at all. There were 30,000 people here in Washington yesterday. And, yes, there were some very awful things said,” stated Rep. Eric Cantor (R-VA) on ABC. But some Republican members of Congress defended the protesters’ behavior. Rep. Devin Nunes (R-CA) said Sunday that the remarks were understandable in light of “totalitarian tactics” used by Democrats that cause people to “begin to act crazy.” Rep. Steve King (R-IA), who was the sole dissenting votethe homophobic and racial slurs were “no big deal.” “I just don’t think it’s anything,” King said, adding that focusing on the incidents obscures “something that is determined to undermine the people.” King also claimed that he faced the same discrimination as the African-American and openly gay lawmakers. “There are a lot of places in this country that I couldn’t walk through,” King told Roll Call. “I wouldn’t live to get to the other end of it.” against recognizing the use of slave labor in the construction of the U.S. Capitol, implied that
It’s not perfect — not even near it — but the health care reform bill passed by the House of Representatives last night is a crucial first step towards the necessary.
It still has to be approved by the Senate, and we all need to remember that it ain’t over til the skinny guy signs. Still, for a major policy that pundits announced mostly dead just a few months ago, it’s remarkably alive and well.
There has been some remarkably shallow reporting on the topic, with not much about what is actually in the bill and a lot about the vitriol surrounding the bill. (Howard Kurtz of the Washington Post has a column on coverage today and he doesn’t think the press did such a bad job.) As he notes, though:
It was sooo much easier to write another story about the latest Tiger mistress to go public.
The Center for Budget and Policy Priorities published some highlights of the bill last week. They include:
–Expanding coverage. Under the legislation, 95 percent of non-elderly legal residents of the United States would have health insurance by 2019. The legislation would expand Medicaid and provide subsidies to help low- and moderate-income people purchase private health insurance. Relative to current law, the bills would reduce the number of uninsured by 32 million by 2019, according to CBO — 1 million more than under the Senate bill alone.
–Reforming health insurance markets. The legislation includes long overdue reforms that would improve access to health insurance for people at all income levels and for employers seeking to provide coverage to their employees. Shortly after enactment, the legislation would bar lifetime limits on benefits and begin reining in harmful insurance-industry practices such as rescissions, under which insurers revoke coverage when beneficiaries become ill. By 2014, the legislation would bar insurers from denying coverage or charging higher premiums to women and people with pre-existing health conditions, restrict insurers’ ability to charge higher premiums to older individuals, and prohibit insurers from setting annual limits on benefits.
–The legislation also would establish state-based health insurance exchanges to make a range of health coverage options available to individuals and small employers and foster competition among insurance companies based on the price and quality of their products. Plans would have to meet minimum standards regarding coverage and cost-sharing protections for enrollees.
Slowing health care cost growth. The legislation would take a number of steps, particularly within Medicare, to institute efficiencies to lower costs and to improve the quality of care by beginning to change the way health care is delivered. In addition, the legislation includes an excise tax on high-cost health plans, which would help slow the rate of health care cost growth over the long term. The legislation would also extend the solvency of the Medicare Hospital Insurance Trust Fund.
Reforms start to happen soon, under the legislation.
Some reforms would happen soon after the plan becomes law. Within months, insurers that offer coverage of policyholders’ children (including in existing plans) would be required to allow adult dependents younger than 26 to be added to such coverage. In addition, new insurance plans would be barred from excluding children’s pre-existing conditions from coverage and would have to cover certain preventive services at no charge to enrollees. The legislation temporarily increases funding for high-risk pools to provide near-term help to people with pre-existing health conditions, who otherwise face rejection or very high premiums in the current individual insurance market.
Under the legislation, consumers would gain significant protection from harmful insurer practices that are prevalent in the market today. Soon after enactment, both new and existing insurance plans would be barred from placing limits on the dollar value of benefits that an enrollee can receive during his or her lifetime. And insurers would face federal restrictions on their ability to impose annual limits on coverage of specific benefits in new insurance plans and existing group plans, before a broader ban on annual limits of “essential” health benefits takes effect in 2014.
Insurance companies would be required to spend a minimum portion of the premiums they collect on health care and quality efforts, rather than non-health costs such as advertising and administration. Insurers that fail to allocate sufficient resources to health care would be required to provide rebates to their customers to make up the difference.
Maybe my political radar is way, way off, but it’s hard to see how that will do much damage to the Democrats in the November election. Once the screaming from the Right dies down a little, and even if it doesn’t, people are going to begin to understand what this bill does for them, not to them. It will be a huge advantage to the Dems if they play it right.
But then again, it’s the Dems, so who knows whether that will happen.
This picture seems utterly symbolic of the Milwaukee real estate market: run-down, broken-down, and maybe pumped with just a bit of unwarranted optimism. Note the boarded-up doors and windows and the broken windows.
What do you think the selling price will be? This house is on 44th Street. A selling point — it is right across the street from the Washington Park Library.